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Carbon Pricing missing the target

Published on May 24th, 2012 | by Zachary Shahan

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Breakthrough Institute Misses the Beat on Climate Economics (Again)

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May 24th, 2012 by Zachary Shahan 

 
Frank Ackerman of the Climate Economics Group, writing on Grist, recently had a great post on the errors of the Breakthrough Institute’s attack on carbon pricing (and other things), as well as the errors of those people (or at least one person) focusing on carbon pricing too heavily. Worth a read. Check it out:

By Frank Ackerman

Why do those at the Breakthrough Institute insist that everyone else besides them who cares about the environment is wrong, wrong, wrong? Their latest, called “The Creative Destruction of Climate Economics,” is a swipe at those misguided souls who think putting a price on carbon emissions would help combat climate change.

Breakthrough, according to its website, aims “to modernize liberal-progressive-green politics” and to accelerate the transition to an “ecologically vibrant” future. It “broke through” into well-funded fame in 2003 with its attack on environmentalists for failing to emphasize the economic concerns of ordinary Americans, such as jobs — thereby alienating the major environmental groups, who had been talking about jobs and the environment for years.

What’s wrong with pricing carbon emissions? This particular breakthrough rests on a mistaken reading of an academic paper in the American Economic Review, the most prestigious outlet for mainstream economics. That paper develops a simplified, abstract model of an economy that generates carbon emissions. Unlike some climate economics models, it assumes that public policy can affect the pace of innovation. Its conclusion, in the authors’ own words, seems quite balanced:

A simple but important implication of our analysis is that optimal environmental regulation should always use both an input tax (“carbon tax”) to control current emissions, and research subsidies or profit taxes to influence the direction of research.

Compared to exclusive reliance on carbon taxes, they continue, “optimal policy relies less on a carbon tax and instead involves direct encouragement to the development of clean technologies.”

Nothing has been creatively destroyed here, except for a lopsided position that calls for carbon taxes to do the whole job alone. And note that we’re talking about a very simple model, not a study of the U.S. economy. Yet the Breakthrough crowd is ready to run with the claim that another shibboleth of environmentalism has been laid low. After dismissive comments about many advocates of carbon pricing — imagine the chutzpah of Paul Krugman, using his reputation as an economist to support price incentives! — they zoom in on Environmental Defense Fund economist Gernot Wagner.

Wagner has, in fact, made some lopsided statements about the possibility of reaching environmental goals through price incentives alone. Ted Nordhaus and Michael Shellenberger, the Breakthrough authors, are right about a couple of specifics in their response to Wagner: Most of the phaseout of leaded gasoline in the 1970s happened before the introduction of a lead emissions trading system; the same was true for the decrease in the price of sulfur dioxide emissions from coal plants in the 1990s, ahead of the introduction of sulfur emissions trading.

Nordhaus and Shellenberger are wrong to conclude from this, however, that price incentives can be ignored. The European Union’s emissions trading system has no effect because the emissions cap is so high and the resulting price is so low — a common defect of recent emissions trading schemes, as it turns out. The early phaseout of lead emissions from gasoline, and of sulfur emissions from power plants, both were driven by old-fashioned “command and control” regulations, a euphemism for “telling polluters to stop polluting.”

What should be done to reduce carbon emissions? Climate change actually is a crisis that demands massive, immediate response. Putting a price on carbon emissions, funding research on clean energy, and adopting traditional controls on the dirtiest technologies all seem entirely compatible. We’ll need all of the above and more, right away, to stand a chance.

What should be said to those, like Gernot Wagner, who may be overly committed to a single policy choice? As long as it’s a desirable policy, as Wagner’s is, let’s congratulate them on advocating it, and urge them to take an even broader view.

It is so important to work together on this, that the help of Nordhaus and Shellenberger should be welcomed — as soon as they achieve one of those breakthroughs that’s normally required in kindergarten, namely learning to “play well with others.”

Frank Ackerman is director of the Climate Economics Group at the Stockholm Environment Institute-U.S. Center, an independent research affiliate of Tufts University in Somerville, Mass. He is also a founding member of Economics for Equity and the Environment.

Image: missing the target via Shutterstock

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About the Author

spends most of his time here on CleanTechnica as the director/chief editor. Otherwise, he's probably enthusiastically fulfilling his duties as the director/editor of Solar Love, EV Obsession, Planetsave, or Bikocity. Zach is recognized globally as a solar energy, electric car, and wind energy expert. If you would like him to speak at a related conference or event, connect with him via social media. You can connect with Zach on any popular social networking site you like. Links to all of his main social media profiles are on ZacharyShahan.com.



  • jeff beller

    plz look at (www.theherm.org) the summery only a few pgs thx jb

  • http://twitter.com/atrembath Alex Trembath

    Dear Mr. Ackerman,

    Your post here seems somewhat confused. On the one hand, you allege that Breakthrough’s position is “mistaken,” “wrong,” and on par with “kindergarten”-level practices. On the other hand, throughout the course of the post, you basically cede all the substantive points that Nordhaus and Shellenberger make in their recent post “The Creative Destruction of Climate Economics.” In fact, the approach you embrace in this post appears to more closely aligns with our (Breakthrough’s) historic advocacy of a holistic policy approach to the climate challenge, than with your own research, which has strongly emphasized the importance of establishing a high carbon price.

    For example, you claim that we rely upon a “mistaken reading” of a paper by Daron Acemoglu and others, recently published in the American Economic Review. You argue that what that paper really says is:

    “Compared to exclusive reliance on carbon taxes, [Acemoglu et al] continue, “optimal policy relies less on a carbon tax and instead involves direct encouragement to the development of clean technologies.” Nothing has been creatively destroyed here, except for a lopsided position that calls for carbon taxes to do the whole job alone.”

    This would be a constructive criticism of the post, if it did not fundamentally agree with our characterization of Acemoglu. In “The Creative Destruction of Climate Economics,” Nordhaus and Shellenberger write:

    “The [Acemoglu] paper argues that conventional climate models have overstated the importance of carbon pricing and understated the importance of public investment to encourage technological innovation.”

    Indeed, it would appear that you are not actually prepared to dispute our critique of the economic profession’s long-standing carbon price fetish. You agree with us that EDF economist Gernot Wagner, with whom we began this debate, has, in fact, “made some lopsided statements about the possibility of reaching environmental goals through price incentives alone.” You further appear to agree that a) the most recent analysis shows carbon pricing to be the less-preferred route to energy innovation than direct public funding of the development and deployment of new energy technologies, b) Mr. Wagner has focused to much on pricing signals to the detriment of direct funding for innovation and other more historically successful policies, and c) energy/climate challenges will require a concert of policy options, not the silver bullet of carbon pricing.

    So why the ad hominem? Perhaps because the overwhelming focus of your work would seem to belie your assertion that “we’ll need all of the above.” Indeed, it would appear that much of your curriculum vitae has focused upon making the case for higher carbon prices, an intellectual commitment that you demonstrate again in this post when you claim that the European carbon pricing experiment has failed because it hasn’t established a high enough carbon price. In fact, your recent work would appear to be at odds with Acemoglu. In Ackerman and Stanton 2011 you “re-analyze” the Nordhaus’ DICE model and conclude that, up to a certain threshold, a higher carbon price is preferred to a lower one. This is contrary to Acemoglu et al 2010, which contends that more optimal policies will by design mitigate the need for relatively higher carbon prices.

    • Frank Ackerman

      Alex Trembath is entitled to his own opinions about the nature of my work. I don’t, however, recognize or agree with his description of me. He cites exactly one paper of mine, which was explicitly about carbon prices, to suggest that I have been single-mindedly focused on that issue. It’s too bad that he didn’t have time to read more of the 20 or so journal articles and the numerous reports, op-eds, and blog posts that I’ve written about the economics of climate and energy issues – in which I have repeatedly argued for the importance of a full suite of non-price policy measures as well as carbon prices.

      I also don’t recognize his description of the Breakthrough Institute, as offering a “holistic policy approach to the climate challenge.” Breakthrough is fond of announcing the devastation of its opponents, from the original “Death of Environmentalism” to the recent “Creative Destruction of Climate Economics.” They are currently trying to rewrite the economics of climate change to eliminate all traces of scarcity and price mechanisms, focusing instead on the ever-popular promise of abundance through technological progress.

      In a recent blog post, Schellenberger and Nordhaus described “the notion that there are hard ecological limits – ‘planetary boundaries’ — to human development” as “a giant step backward”, and said, “To be sure, there are tipping points in nature, including in the climate system, but there is no way for scientists to identify fixed boundaries beyond which point human civilization becomes unsustainable for the simple reason that there are no fixed boundaries.”

      Here’s a fixed boundary: there are temperatures (actually, temperature/humidity combinations) which human physiology cannot survive. At 7°C of warming, such conditions start to affect many regions of the world; at 10-12°C, areas now inhabited by more than half the world’s population will, at least once a year, reach temperatures that cause death from heat stroke within a few hours. Of course, it will probably take a couple of centuries to reach those temperature ranges. Maybe technology is still the answer – that might be time enough to splice heat-resistance genes from lizards or cockroaches into the human genome, or to cover the earth with air-conditioned domes. Or maybe not.

      Long before we reach death-from-heat-stroke temperatures, crop yields will plunge, major ice sheets will collapse and sea levels will rise dramatically, and so on. It’s hard to avoid thinking that such effects represent hard ecological limits, or planetary boundaries. If there are hard limits to tolerable climate change, then the atmosphere’s capacity to absorb greenhouse gas emissions is a scarce resource. If essential resources are scarce, then prices matter. Schellenberger and Nordhaus (who are not economists) may not be clear on the logic of this argument, which is universally recognized in economics.

      Speaking as an economist who has repeatedly argued that other economists exaggerate the importance of price mechanisms, it’s ironic to be attacked, so mistakenly, for the opposite position. If you want to find out what I think, read my writing, not the Breakthrough Institute’s responses.

      • http://twitter.com/atrembath Alex Trembath

        Dear Mr. Ackerman,

        Thanks for your reply. I’ve read several of your pieces and as I can tell the overwhelming focus of your research has been to construct the economic case for carbon pricing. You make the occasional nod to public investments, such in your brief discussion of government’s role in technology in your 2007 “Law and Economics for a Warming World,” but most of your writing is similar to your argument for cap-and-rebate (Stanton and Ackerman 2010), where you propose a carbon price program that rebates 85 percent of federal receipts to households. The remaining 15 percent is invested in energy efficiency and renewable energy. The idea is to let the carbon pricing do the bulk of the work. Again, this is quite different from what Acemoglu’s model finds would be optimal, which puts the emphasis on directed technological change, not pricing.

        It’s hard to square your alleged concern with the catastrophic risks of climate change with your policy remedy. If climate poses a clear and present danger, why would you seek complicated tax and rebate carbon pricing scheme over the immediate government-led construction of zero-carbon power plants, no matter the cost? Our recent 30-year decarbonization analysis (1970 – 2006) suggests nations that rapidly decarbonize do so like France and Sweden did: through the rapid construction of nuclear and hydro-electric power plants. Given this history, it’s odd you would see carbon pricing as the test of serious climate policy.

        • http://blog.metasd.com/ Tom

          Government construction of zero-carbon power plants is a bizarre strawdog policy prescription.

          In case you’ve missed the last few centuries of economic thought, the point of markets is to decentralize decisions (tradeoffs) that are hard to make centrally.

          Government-led supply construction would surely fail, for the same reasons the Soviet economy was inefficient. It would fail to make all the appropriate tradeoffs between supply and efficiency, among sectors, among regions, etc. that emissions pricing would incentivize naturally.

          There’s no guarantee that government-directed R&D would fare any better, though such institutional problems are not considered in Acemoglu et al.

          • Bob_Wallace

            Some of what you say makes sense, but there is a level of R&D that private funding will not finance.

            We would not have satellite communication, GPS and so much more if we had to wait for some private company to spend the billions figuring out how to successfully launch a rocket.

            The type of R&D that ends up happening only with the help of public money is almost certainly going to have a higher fail rate than what the private sector is willing to finance.

            Within the private sectors we see levels of risk taking. Venture capital funds have emerged to take on the somewhat more risky projects that established financial institutions won’t touch. And even the VCs are looking for more certain outcomes and short term risk.

            It’s interesting that conservatives object to public money being used to support renewable energy construction but have no qualms about using public money to support nuclear or fossil fuel projects….

          • Bob_Wallace

            Oh, BTW Tom, have you ever heard of the TVA dams that brought electricity to large parts of the Southeast?

            The Grand Coulee Dam?

            The Bonneville Dam?

            The Hoover Dam?

            Zero-carbon power plants built and financed by the US government, best I can tell.

            Even the first nuclear reactors were government jobs.

          • http://blog.metasd.com/ Tom

            @Bob – I visited Bonneville Dam just a couple weeks ago. I completely agree that there’s a role for government in R&D and other public goods.

            But Alex is proposing that, because a carbon tax is “complicated” (which it isn’t), the sole remedy we should favor is to build a gigantic quasi-governmental utility to replace the whole electricity infrastructure.

            That’s just totally bonkers. First, there’s no reason for the government to do it, except in the case of some large projects that are too large to capitalize & insure privately. But in those cases, what you’re really saying is that prices are too low to justify solving the problem, so we’ll give ratepayers an implicit subsidy while taxpayers assume the risk. Sounds a lot like too-big-to-fail, and hardly a level playing field for distributed sources like wind. Third, under a utility model, with average cost pricing, the system will not choose the right efficiency/supply tradeoff. Fourth, this solves only half the problem. Will the government also construct biofuel refineries and hydrogen plants to replace non-electric uses? Fifth, a supply/tech-only solution fails to impose a cost on emissions commensurate with damages, which is not optimal (as Acemoglu et al. point out).

            Reading the Acemoglu paper as favoring tech over pricing, is not supported by the actual model, which favors a tech-led strategy in only one corner of its parameter space (high elasticity, initial conditions far from environmental limits). Unfortunately, that corner is not the one we’re in. What Acemoglu et al. actually favor is a combined strategy that relies on emissions pricing and cleantech subsidies, where subsidies mitigate the R&D market failure and permit a lower emissions price. But the welfare cost of using emissions prices alone is actually much smaller than the welfare cost of delay, as the authors’ tables indicate.

            I object to fossil fuel subsidies, but I don’t think matching renewable subsidies is a good remedy. Far better to dump the fossil subsidies, tax emissions, and siphon off a portion of the revenue to subsidize clean R&D.

          • Bob_Wallace

            I agree with much of what you have to say but there are realities to consider.

            We aren’t going to get fossil fuel subsidies withdrawn. The fossil fuel industry has too much political power.

            Emerging technologies are not likely to be funded by the free market unless they promise short term profits. The government might have to build the first biofuel or hydrogen plants in order to pull those technologies to the point at which private money will take over.

            I think we make far, far too much of “risking taxpayer money”.

            There are well over 300 million of us. A billion dollar risk means that we’ve each put $3 in the pot.

            I don’t think we should take risk lightly, but at the same time we’re letting the most conservative stifle innovation by overemphasizing what are relatively small losses.

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